The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was considered one of the most significant holders of that position in American history. Although many vice-presidents had to settle for peripheral or ceremonial roles, Cheney wielded enormous influence during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and said the relationship was more complex. He noted that Cheney was courteous, invariably referring to him in public settings as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their relationship as a collaboration because it indicated that they were equals. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney found the easygoing president malleable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a group of neo-cons that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a session at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the downing of any unresponsive airplanes approaching the government building.
Cheney said the strikes changed him, leading him to become intent on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Actions
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on inaccurate information repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the right thing to do then. I had faith then and I maintain that stance today."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a memo outlining situations in which American interests might be compromised (including "obtaining crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be prepared to take unilateral action when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the presidency somewhat determined on implementing what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of lowering America's participation in the Middle East dispute and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a scheme to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his father's countenance that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, repeatedly citing intelligence reports that were whether insubstantial or entirely misleading. He endorsed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the application of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had resulted from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and create initiatives to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in nicknames assigned to him by detractors such as the dark character and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the evil genius in the shadows that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? That is a advantageous way to operate, truthfully."
Business Interests
Controversy over his corporate affiliations pursued him through his period as vice-president. While he had limited background in business but established relationships in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US contracts valued at multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his time at the company rose from his $258,394 while military head to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at more than $20m|twenty
